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FDBK: MEMORANDUM - THE CHAM ISSUE TO BE RESOLVED..!
Publikuar më 07 shtator, 2013 nė orėn 19:13 ( ) English |
Rrit madhësinë e shkronjave
Directed:
- To the Security Council of the United Nations,
- To the General Assembly of the United Nations;
- To the United States of America
- To the Albanian and international mass-media.

Estemeed ladies and gentlemen!
We direct to you for an acute problem that demands a just resolution – the unsolved issue of Chameria.
On the beginning it must be said that, after their proclamation of independence from the Ottoman Empire, the Serb and Greek state elaborated expansionist plans without margin, that included also the conquest of the Albanian territories, having as common border the Shkumbin River.

Greece, on the bases of its plan , in collaboration with the Patriarchate of Istanbul began to open in the Orthodox villages Greek schools since 1850, like in Skupica, Pleshkovica, Sidher, Koqino, Lithar (Shkėmbi i Kuq), Qeramice etj. (Sp. Mauselimi, Istorikoi peripatoi ana tin thesprotian, Thesaloniqi, 1976, p. 114-117).
In the years that followed, the number of the Greek schools was rising. In year 1899 were opened Greek schools in Finiq, Jeromer, Sajadhė, Fotin, Babur, Glusta Lia, Ahuret, Ēamanda (The same source, p. 119-120).
In the same manner it was opened a Greek school in Filat, in the inn of a Christian. In Grikohor, a village with 150 mixed Muslim and Christian families and where in family was spoken only the Albanian language, was opened a Greek school in the last quarter of the XIXth century, which “was hellenizing the Orthodox people” (Zotou Mollotou, Dhromologou tes Ellenikescher – sonestou, tom 4, Athinė, p. 59). As always in Albania, also in Filat, the Greek schools were foreign not only because of the language, but also because of the content of the programs and of the texts. The regular Greek schools were organized according to the criteria and programs elaborated by the Silog of the Friend of the Education for Epirus, formed in Istanbul in 1871, on the patronage of the Ecumentic Orthodox Patriarchate. (The annual of the Silog of the Friends of Education, year 9, 1873-1874, f. 152-153). The Greek government, with the help of the schools had the aim to hellenize the Albanian Orthodox population of Chameria. The high officials were seeing with worry the fakt that “the women and the children of the villages in discussion were speaking only Albanian” (HHSTA, PA, A, Raport of the Austro-Hungarian consul in Janina, to the ministry of the Foreign Affairs of Austro-Hungaria, Janina, date 22.9.1912)
Beginning from these aims, in the village Skupica of Filat, that had been inhabited by 70 Albanian-speaking Orthodox families, the Greek School was opened in 1899, frequented by 30 pupils (Sp. Mouselimi, Istorkai …, p. 115). Greek priests specially went through villages where was speaking only Albanian and read to the Albanian Albanian-speaking Orthodox the liturgy in Greek. (V. Krapsiti, Istoria tis Paramithias, Athens, 1985, f. 95-96).
Greece, by the priests of the church trieed to sow discord between Muslims and Orthodox Albanians. This propaganda made to be created a huge gap between the two faiths. Greek reactionary priests and declared open: "Muslim, as long as live, smell as Turks, revive and transform into pig, why Muslims do not eat pork”, that Muslims of neighboring villages were wild" (ibid: report Austro-Hungarian consul, dateSeptember 22, 1912, document summary).
The goals of Greek government policy through school and church, had to do with the addition of propaganda to arouse hatred and division among Muslims and Christians and, finally, the ethnic cleansing of Albanian Muslims in their lands (HHSTA, PA, A report of the Austro-Hungarian consul in Janina, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Vienna, Janina, dt. September 9, 1912).
Athens, to counter the Albanian National Movement took some action. On March 25, 1906, the retired second lieutenant, Spiro Milo, together with some reserve officers and many adherents nationalist Greek formed the organization "the Epirotic Union". This political organization in its infancy created three directories: Janina, Preveza and Gjirokaster. (Alexander Livadeos, The Baptist tis apeleftreroseos tons Ioanion, Athens, 1964, p. 30). The purpose of these departments was dissemination of Hellenistic ideas and open war against the Albanian National Movement in Lower Albania, to Preveza and Arta. (Ibid, p.51).
Albanian patriotic circles efforts in the aftermath of the Young Turk Constitution to open Albanian schools and clubs, Greek government saw as "a serious risk that Greece threatened by Albanians" (ibid). Athens set in motion all its propaganda tools. Even to prevent and combat the Albanian movement, that took its first steps, immediately reactivated the Greek clubs "Sillogos" (Elinikos politikos sillogos) (HHSTA, PA, A Report of the Austro-Hungarian consul in Janina, Minister of Foreign Affairs Vienna, Janina, September 27, 1908). They were the continuation of the organization "Epirotic Union" and the Greek society "The Epirotic brotherhood" (Newspaper "The Nation", no. 55, no. October 5, 1907), established in September 1907.
Beginning from anti-Albanian chauvinist aims, the Greek government began supplying weapons to Christian villages of vilayet of Janina, including Albanian Orthodox villages in the province of Chameria (Newspaper "Freedom" Thessaloniki, no. 23, Third fall 1908).
Meanwhile, "Department A" of the "Epirotic Union" that operated in Janina, sent arms and ammunition in the village of Pleshovica to arm the Christians against the Muslims of Filat and in particular against the leadership of the club and its leaders. Residents of Pleshovica were put under the command of Metropolitan Paramithia. (Document no. 37 "Directory A" of the "Epirotic Union", dated April 14, 1909: In the work of Livadesos, p. 91).
In blacklist of people who were planning to kill by the villagers from Pleshkovica, on the recommendation of the Metropolitan of Paramithia were Musa Demi, Mehmet Sejko, Haki Musai, Muharrem Rushiti, Qemal Izeti etc. Albanian Muslims were traditionally in a neighborhood and godfather relationship. Both communities were also about brotherhood and godfather and friends often go to each other. In sacred holidays. Muslims eat red Easter eggs and Christians on the day of Bajram ate the characteristic baklava made by Cham women with a rare skill and that was liked much by Christians. In the days of shopping, in cafes, Christians and were sitting together and were discussing friendly with them.
The high Greek leader in Janina was vilifying against Albanians in their efforts to realize the rights to allowed by the Young Turk Constitution of 1908, blowing every day into the ears of the valiu and committees that the Albanians aim to secede from the Ottoman Empire and the create an independent state.
Greek clergy, fighting against Albanian school in Chameria, denied to the Orthodox Albanians their nationality, when it was known that 90 percent of the village's Orthodox kaza of Filat, Paramithia and Margellic, speaking Albanian in family. Church and Greek propaganda pressed not only by not going to the Albanian school, but to not even speak Albanian at home or on the road. The newspaper "Albania Awakening" (Newspaper "Freedom", Sofia, dt. November 7, 1912) informs that "in Llakė of Suli, where yesterday were several Christian villages to speak Albanian, we learn that with the instigation of the church and much more of the committees of the Megali Idea, was forbidden from speaking Albanian” (Newspaper “Liria”, Thessalonik, nr 14, Third Autumn, 1908).
Patriotic circles and Cham population was made aware to the Greek annexation goals, to the detriment of Albanian territories of Lower Albania. When learning a foreign vessel did exercises shooting near the small harbor of Sajadhė, near Filat, the Muslim inhabitants of the surrounding villages, to hear the roar of the cannon shots, thought that it was a Greek attempt to invade Chameria. They took up arms and placed orders pending national movement leaders. These after being convinced that there was no cause for alarm, they calmed the villagers. This episode clearly shows the tense climate, but also the willingness of the Cham population to withstand any Greek aggression. (HHSTA, PA, A Report of the Austrian consul, Vienna, November 5, 1912). Austro-Hungarian Consul, who closely monitored events in the Cham province, reported to Vienna that "Albanians declare that it will protect the integrity of Albania by the end and they will not allow any piece to fall under foreign rule" (Ibid.).
In the years that followed Athens began to intensify its anti-Albanian action in two directions: on the one hand to prevent by every mean the opening of theAlbanian schools and on the other hand, to eliminate one by one the leaders of the Albanian National Movement. Al Livadeos said that "Epirotic Union" through the "Department A" began to use all means against Albanians who had been extremely active in the Albanian movement. Its intense fighting that had begun against Albanians, this organization is justified disseminating as a measure against the "Albanian risk", which according to it, threatened Christian villages in the region of Chameria. (Greek newspapers “Acropolis”, date 17.08.1912).
Meanwhile notorious leaders of the bad-famed organization " Epirotic Union " in Janina were designing plans to undertake the liquidation of Albanian leaders that had an active activity in the Albanian movement in Janina and beyond. Initially this organization had targeted the extinction by any means of Kadri Gjata, a great landowner of Preveza, which was dedicated with the heart and soul for the Albanian national movement.
Captain Jani Puteci led alone the action against Kadri Gjata, with the help of retaired captain Parmaqis. (A. Livadeos, ibid., p. 136). On July 28, 1912, when Kadri Gjata, was accompanied by a brave guy from Tepelena, when it was going to its land, was killed with perfidy in the trap set by Puteci. Puteci accommodated immediately the killer of Kadri Gjata in Almira and from there spread that Parmaqis words had killed him. Not long afterwards the killing of Kadri Gjata and events began to develop rapidly. Venizelos himself ordered the release of three Greek bands in Lower Albania, which had in their manpower 150 andarts (ibid, p. 137). The leaders of these fighting units were Jani Puteci, S. Kremidha and Papajdo. "These gangs - notes the Greek historian Livadeos - will turn to three destinations: the region of Janina, Chameria, on the outskirts of Gjirokastra. They were intended to act against Albanians and in particular against the figures of the Albanian movement. "

Ladies and gentlemen!

The threshold of independence of Albania found the Albanian National Movement in the forefront of the fight to protect the country from Greek chauvinists. But while it had broken the First Balkan War. Greece too had chosen the path of war. Its dream was to annex the Epirus, this Albanian very envied territory. On October 5, 1912 Greece ordered its troops to cross the borderline in the valley of Aheron, to pass to the west. Thus began Athens its own offensive to conquer Epirus. The Greek government simultaneously activated two bands: that of Zorkadi and Kutupi who acted in villages of Paramithia and to make terror on Muslim villages.
These bands, in conjunction with special individuals of the surrounding villages of Paramithia were undertaking actions against Muslim villagers, were burning the houses, were killing innocent people and robbing what they found in front of their eyes. Albanians responded with the same rigor to the Greek mob attacks.
It seemed that the beginning of the Balkan War brought also in Chameria an explosion of the civil war, which first was launched by the Greek chauvinist circles. The Greek government through its consulate in Janina, to mask criminal gangs Greek, spread the news and made a lot of noise in the press and to the representations of the states which had their headquarters in Janina, allegedly Cham Muslim Albanians had undertake attacks against Christian villages in the outskirts of Paramithia. These notifications which were spread by Greeks, the Austro-Hungarian principal consul in Janina called as "exaggerated" and continuing, he reports: "If the Greek government seriously wants a braking of the conflict started between Muslims and Greeks, it can find its way with the help of its consuls and metropolitan in the region Paramithia to remove away the Greek spoilers and their leaders ". (HHSTA, PA, A report to Bilinski, Vienna, date October 8, 1912).
Greek Government actions showed that it had began one of the most tragic pages for the Cham Albanian population in the province, on which it was fired all the ferocity of Greek chauvinism. In the first phase of battles, Greeks engaged in front of Epirus more than 10 thousand troops, an unit of engineering, a squadron and an artillery unit and a force under the command of Spiro Xhavella. (G.F. Fessopoulos, Hellaseis tous balkanokous plemous ton 1912-1913, V. I Polemos kata tes Tourkias, Athens, 1925, p. 271). The general commander of forces was General Sapunaqis Epirus (P. Markezines, Politike istoria tes neoteros Hellados, vol. III, p. 300). On October 9, 1912 Albanian forces forced the battalion Euzon VII and the battalion XV to retreat to the river Araktas. (P. Markezines, ac. cited, p. 273). Greek forces suffered blows and gangs that supported their attacks to enter in the Chameria through Llaka of Suli, failed completely. But Greek chauvinists finally managed to invade Chameria.
Forcible annexation of Chameria and its principal center Janina by the Greek forces, was accompanied by a wild campaign of violence and terror against Albanians in Chameria. Austro-Hungarian diplomat K. Buchberger wrote in the years 1913-1914: "I came more and more complaints. Near Janina, Mohammedans were found dead in the streets, without eyes. These atrocities were done down by Greek andartes "(K. Buchberger, My years in Albania," Historical Studies ", Tirana, 1972, no. 4, p. 141-177).
The same gruesome scenes was marked in towns and villages of Paramithia, Filat, Margellic. During the Greek occupation it was destroyed the village Gardhiq with 300 houses, Dhragomia (200), Petrovic (75), Minina (65) of the kaza of Paramithia. In the kaza of Filat were destroyed, among others Ninat (120), Markati (120), Giannari (150). With the Greek invasion of Cham population was halved by massacres, starvation and emigration.
Greek author G. Fessopoulos, at that time engaged in front of the Cham as officer in the ranks of Hellenic army was forced to confess "the bitter memories" that left within the Albanian Muslim population of Chameria by the gangs run by Manos Cretes, Montakos, Granica etc. (G.F. Fessopoulos, Hellaseis tous balkanokous plemous ton 1912-1913, V. I, Polemos kata tes Tourkias, Athens, 1925, p. 295).
On 19 and 21 March 1913 various meetings were held in Paramithia episcopal seat, which ware attended the Bishop, chief commander of the country and the leaders of the Christians in province. Chief Commander at that time was appointed captain Dhimitriadhi of the autonomous regiment, while the Episcopate was headed by Metropolitan Neofitis. At one of those meetings, Metropolitan, brothers Dhinosten, Petro and Themistocles Ringa from Paramithia (see AIH, the fund Archive Rome, figure A-IV - 464 which is dated September 3, 1919, the Italian military center in Parga, which was sent to Rome about the Greeks massacres against the Albanian population in the Chameria), Jorgo Pakos from Gliqia dhe Dhimitėr Cilis from Paramithia plotted a wild and devilish crime against Albanians from Chameria.. At that meeting were invited also Cretan Deljanaqi, along with Spiro Fotin from Paramithia and in day March 23, 1913 they formed a gang for the massacre of Muslim leaders of Chameria. This band gattered the elits of villages Nikolicanj, Grika, Skupicė, small village in kaza of Paramithia, Nijhor, Minonė, Petrovic, Shėmėrizė, Vratilė, Bedelen, Drames of Selani
(Shih AIH in the Fund Archive of Rome, figure A-4-464, AMPB, dossier 17-18, year 1946).
After the London Conference of Ambassadors decided that the Albanian regions of Chameria to be plunged under the Greek slavery, Greece hoped to solve the ethnic cleansing of Muslim Chams under international agreements. Meanwhile, on the domestic level it increased the oppression and discrimination of the Cham Cham population, in order to make its life impossible in its own territories. Thus Greece, taking into account Article 17 of its Constitution in 1911, according to which the Greek state had the right to carry out agrarian reform of of the great land owners (M.A. Lambros, Tsamides kai Tsamouria, 1949, p. 15 onward), drew a number of by-laws for agrarian question. It continued year after year to modify them according to its interests, while in February 1920 formally proclaimed agrarian reform law, according to which "the agrarian reform was mandatory and applies to the entire territory of Greece". This measure was motivated by reason of national security. (Ibid). Officially announced reform aimed primarily affect large and medium Cham owners and create the possibility that in the Albanian Muslim villages to settle Greek refugees. In fact, it seemed that the removal of Albanian Muslims from the new borders of the Greek state will be realized soon. The first official step was laid on May 14, 1914. Turkish Ambassador in Athens, Galip Bey, in a meeting with Greek Prime Minister Venizelos, had proposed the exchange of Greek residents of Ajdini vilayet, the Muslims of Macedonia and Epirus. (JG Moureles, 1914 The persecutions and the attempts of an Exchange of Minorities between Greece and Turkey, "Balkan Studies", no. 26/2, 1985, p. 403). Turkish ambassador was officially made its proposal and a day later he received a positive response from Athens. (Ibid).
It was obvious that Greece, and Turkey too, were interested in exchanging Muslim population. The first was desperate to deport from the country the Albanian Muslim population, so to put to the end each request Albanians return of their lands, which were taken unjustly in 1913. Also, the displacement of Muslims, estimated that Greece could more easily assimilate the Albanian Orthodox element. For its part, Turkey sees economic interests and benefits. In the framework of the exchange, it thought profiting from the value of real estate that will compensate displaced by the Greek government. It also hoped to use the occasion to enhance its prestige in the process of mutual financial compensation. (J. Swire, Albania, the rise of a kingdom, p. 416 onward).
The period 1913-1922 was characterized by the rise of pressure of the Greek government pressure against the Albanian population. In every area of Chameria, the Greek armed bands were operating, which terrorized the Muslim population. Minorities Treaty, signed after World War almost by every state in the Evrope, recognized all minority rights. Also Albania, being among those countries which respected the treaty, recognized to the the Greek minority in Albania the right to have their representatives in the Albanian Parliament. The Albanian government hoped that its neighbor, Greece, will recognize these rights to Albanians that were living in Greece. The Greek government, in principle, recognized Chams as a minority, but based on their Muslim religion, it made efforts to call them Turks, in order to be included in a possible exchange of Greek and Turkish populations .
The Albanian in Greece had lost all his rights. To the peasant was taken the land with the new law, which became known apollotriosis (alienation). Since the day the law came into force, the Albanian Muslim owner in Chameria had no right to sell his land. (Newspaper "Drita", Gjirokastra, November 23, 1923).
Apollotrios was accompanied by another law named engiostasis, whereby the Greek government put her in possession of all assets of the Chams. (Ibid). Through special decree, Muslim Albanians were deprived of voting rights (ibid). The Greek government did not allow for any school for the Albanians in Chameria in Albanian language, while in all the villages inhabited by them it had opened schools in Greek. The prohibition of the Albanian schools, Athens tried to justify by saying that "at the time of the Ottoman rule in the Muslim villages had no Albanian schools" (D. Mihalopoulos, Skesis Hellados kai Alvania, Athens, 1986, p. 96).
In the main centers of Chameria as Filat, Paramithia, Margėlliē were created colonial offices specially for the nationalized properties of the Albanian Muslims. (Gazette "Kinis", Janina, June 12, 1921). This was done with the proprieties of Fuat aga Pronjos, Hamdi beu in Gumenica, Demanti dhe Sejkati nė Filat and owners of large and medium owners in Margėlliē (See Documents for Chameria 1912-1939, Doc. 32, p. 71-72) . Any dispute of ownership between Albanians and Greeks remained in limbo because Greek lawyers not did not assume the defense of the ownership of the Albanians in front of the Greek courts.
Also in the genocide began a wave of arrests in all its centers, on charges of plotting against the Greek state. Originally arrests began in Filat. The first was handcuffed Musa Demi, followed by Haki Musai, Qamil Izeti, Kaso Duēe, Daut Saqe. Arrests were made in the Kaza of Paramithia and Margellic. In July 1921, the newspaper " Posta e Korēės " informed that in Filat and Gumenica went 2500 Greek forces, which were terrorizing Muslim villages.
At the Lausanne conference, as a representative of the Albanian Government, Mehdi Frashėri, addressed the League of Nations, under pressure of the Albanian government and other governments, the Greek Government, through its representative D. Kaklamano, was forced to admit that "Muslim Chams, although it have the same religion with Turks, were not Turks, that’s why Greece will not include in the exchange the Muslims with Albanian origin" (V. Krapsites, , Oi moussulmanoi tsamies tes Thesprotias, Athens, 1996, p. 33). Venizelos himself, in a telegram to the Secretary General of the League of Nations stated that "Muslims in Greece, descendants of the Albanian race, will not be deported in Turkey and will not be included in the exchange" Conference de Lausanne sur les affaires du proche-Orient 1922-1923… proces verbal nr. 8 , séance du 19 janar 1923, p. 604). Around this problem, the charge d'affaires of the Greek Government in Tirana, N. Kokotakis, assured the Albanian Government, on October 3, 1923, that "his government would adhere strictly solemn declaration that he did in Lausanne before the League of Nations, regarding the exclusion of the Cham Albanian population in the exchange. (Ibid, Doc. 53, p. 96).
Athens unusual taming the problem of Chams, who were living in the ancestral lands, did not show at all that it had given up her goal to cleanse the population in question. Its withdrawal in the front of the pressure of the Albanian Government and of other states of the League of Nation, was just a tactical retreat in new circumstances caused by the shameful defeat in Asia Minor and Greece following riots engulfing it.
In these circumstances, the Greek government placed under the supervision of the Albanian Government and the international community had no choice but to perform the cleansing as"silent", describing it as "voluntary" on the ground while using all means, including violence, in order to force them to leave.
So, after the Lausanne Conference, Athens thought through pressures to bring the Muslims into a such a situation, insomuch that to declare with their mouth the exchange. It was convinced that if even a small group of Muslim Chams got a start in Turkey, other measures would not delay the Albanian population to follow their example and after small time Chameria will be cleaned by the Muslim Albanians, without causing international complications.
The Greek government had drawn up lists of Cham Muslim population to be exchanged. They include almost all Cham population (V. Krapsites, Oi moussulmanoi tsamies tes Thesprotias, Athens, 1996, p.33). To achieve this objective, Greek government worked in two main directions: first, by administrative measures and, secondly, with the use of violence.
Regarding the first measure, Athens, in February 1923, with a circular informing all of Cham Muslims "not to work their lands that were planned for exchange" (See Newspaper “Dielli”, Boston, March 14 1923: "Politika", Vlora, 11 February 1923). While spreading the news that the Greek government will deport from the province of Janina and Preveza how much Muslims would be needed to accommodate Greek refugees continued to come from Asia Minor
Athens had intensified its actions to accelerate the inclusion of the Cham Albanians in exchange. In this context, in the spring of 1923, at the initiative of Metropolitan of Athens, Greek Refugee Committee of Asia Minor and some Greek MPs had created a committee to go in Chameria in order to see the situation in the terrain and then to plan the deportation of Chams and the establishment of a significant number of refugee families. The commission in discussion had taken full acting effect by the Greek government. (Documents for Chameria doc. 56, p. 101, Doc. 183, p. 335-336; "Ora e maleve", August 4, 1923).
Athens, meanwhile, continued repressive measures, primarily, by sending armed bands in Chameria. Such was the criminal gang of Vasil Mastora, which circulated on the outskirts of Janina and Paramithia. To facilitate the actions of this gang, Greek authorities intervened and Metropolitan of Paramithia itself. In fact, the band was left free to act for an indefinite period, with condition to act in Muslim villages. The beginnings of its activity and of the band of Sulioti Nicholas Qano, were marked in villages of Gradhiq, Karbunara and Dhragomi, where did murder, retaliations, extortion and rape in Muslim families. The villagers of these villages, in the front of the terror of Greek gangs were forced to leave from their homes and head for Parga, Margėlliē or elsewhere to save lives. (Newspaper "Drita", Gjirokastra, November 16, 1926). In these circumstances Albanian Muslim villagers were forced to sell thousands of heads of small livestock to butchers from Korfu with very low prices. (Ibid).
Also in Filat, the Greek Captain Theodhor Kizullas, the commander of the post of Sajadha, was terrorizing the inhabitants of the village Lopės, Koskė, Spatar, Vėrselė (“Gazeta e Korēės”, 21 August 1923, “Politika”, Vlora, March 6, 1923). In parallel with the add of the violence in the territory with Albanian population, the Greek government begun the establishment of the Greek colons. In that province, according to the official forecasts of the Athens’ officials, if would been settled 18000 Greek refugees. (V. Krapsites, Oi moussulmanoi tsamies tes Thesprotias, Athens, 1996, p.33). Contingents of colonists were placed in Gardhiq, Dhragomi, Karbunar Volė, Arpicė so on. In Arpica from 300 houses how it had the village, 225 were occupied by the refugees, while the Albanian families were oblige to system three-four families in a house (AMPJ, dossier 361, year 1923, p. 68-70. Gazeta “Drita”, Gjirokastėr, 16 November 1920). Another contingent of Greek colons of 500 persons were directed for the village Lopės and the other villages of Filat (AQSH, Fondi 251, dossier. 80, year 1924, Letter of the deputy praefect of Gjirokastra to the secret office of Ministry of Interior Affairs,Tiranės, , 4 September 1924). The Greek authorities were placing them in the houses and in proprieties of the Albanian Muslims. (“Gazeta e Korēės”, 21 Octomber 1924). Also in the Muslim villages of Shkalla, Picar, Muzhaka, Sollopia, Pjadhul dhe Sklav, the houses and the lands of the Albanian Muslims were invaded with force (AQSH Fund 252, dossier. 80, Letter of Deputy Praefect Hil Mosi in Gjirokastėr with nr. 164/2, Res., to the secret office of Ministry of Interrior). From Laurat of Margėlliē it were spread news that the Greek refugees, under the protection of the administration had occupied the pasturage of the village and the villagers that were against, after they had been beaten, were arrested.
Ladies and gentlemen!
In August 1936, Joan Metaksa established the fascist dictatorship. The first victim was the Cham population. The early fascists, the businessmen Stavro Koēoni and the officer of gendarmerie Zambeta began the systematic strikes in Filat, Pituljete, Gumenicė for the annihilation of the Cham population. They went so war as the people of Paramithia was forbidden to speak in Albanian language. The Greek government did the utmost to divide the Cham Albanian population, trying to oppose Christians against Muslims. This state policy did not left without leaving a trace, as the population of this area in the vast majority was uneducated and the intellectual circles did not achieve to dominate the situation. Cham population was charged with heavy fees, which had not only a fiscal nature, but intended to compel him to emigrate to Albania or elsewhere. The Albanian names of the villages Spatari, Galbaqi, Picari, Varfanj, Arpika were changes with Greek names, respectively Trikoforo, Ella, Aetos, Parapotume, Perdhika. Before entering in Greece the Italian fascist army, the Greek government began a new campaign of massacres and most monstrous crimes against the Albanian population.
Two months before the Italo-Greek conflict, Metaksa fascist government committed an act perhaps unprecedented in world history. All men of 16-70 years, over 5,000 men were arrested and sent into the far islands of the Aegean. This action is based on the decision taken earlier in Gumecinė from a meeting chaired by the Bishop of Janina, Spiridoni, also attended by Deputy / Praefect of Gumenica Jorgo Vasilako, commander of the Greeks Korafilaqia and representative of Greeks from Chameria. From this contingent 350 victims were massacred, 400 others died later in exile from torture and starvation. "In this way, writes Jan Sawmill - Albanian government placed the Muslim element, openly in the enemy camp”, prejudicing the Cham population.
Cham recruits, as Greek citizens mobilized in the years 1939 and 1940 which at that time were in military service with the Army Corps of Janina’s order was set to break rocks and road repair in the form of forced labor. During the meeting VIII Division Commander of Epirus, General Kaēimitro with 2,000 Cham boys, asking opinions on the danger to the country by fascist Italy. Cham proved willing to fight the common enemy.
But surprisingly, instead of guns were given picks and shovels to operate in the background for road construction. It was a distrust of the Greek authorities to Chams and both an insult and humiliation for them, not treating them as comrades, but as prisoners of war.
On the other hand, Italy during the war preparations with Greece could not take into account for its interests the discriminatory situation of the Albanians from Chameria. Ciano, the Italian foreign minister, in August 1940 pointed out to the Greek ambassador in Rome that "Greece was decided with all means at its disposal to continue a political program, has discriminated in a grave mode the Albanians in favor of the Greeks. And this has made in all areas of activity, from that of personal freedom in the economic field, to the language teaching ... Albanians were detached to areas away from large, while keeping in primitive conditions. "
The outbreak of the Italo-Greek War in 1940 deepened the political tension in Chameria. Despite efforts to attract occupiers, Albanian minority in his hand and despite the Cham population during the fascist regime of Metaksa had suffered much, generally kept a neutral party in the conflict. "Even when the Italians invaded Gumenica- wrote Jani Sharra-rarely any Cham joined them."
Everyone could ask questions:
- Why was held this harsh attitude towards the Albanian minority?
- Was it a self-defense measure by the Greek central and local authorities?
- Is it just was caused by fear of possible retaliation of Albanians for crimes that were committed against them by the regime Metaksa and Greek bands
The data show that none of these reasons was a cause of this criminal act. The aim has been even more distant and more anti-Albanian simultaneously. Even in difficult and complicated situations, when Greece was knocking the war on the door, the Greek authorities tried with calmness whatever they could benefit. They decided that it was creating an appropriate moment in international relations for Chameria’s final ethnic cleansing. This is proved by the fact that after the outbreak of war, after it became clear that the collapse of the Greeks in front of the Italian armies was close, local Greek authorities prepared lists and attempting to provide the necessary tools for carrying all women and children who had remained in the Chameria, in order that when it was to enter the foreign armies here, to find not any foot of Albanian there. After defeating the Italian army and their withdrawal from Greece, the violence and terror of the new Greek government intensified on the Albanian population of Chameria. The prisoners and internees were released only after the conquest of Greece by German armies in a serious spiritual and health condition.
After the invasion of Greece by the Germans, the Chams returned from exile expected to revenge against Greek chauvinist forces who had been the cause of suffering. But the opposite happened. They were raised above chauvinistic passions and chose the path of cooperation and jointly cope together to the grave situation that was created by young German invaders. To this end, two extensive meetings were organized in Spatar and Koska. Influential people in the province as Musa Demi, Shuaip Llajo, Isuf Izeti, Xhaferr Ēafuli, Jasin Sadiku and many others worked diligently to create an atmosphere of understanding between the two communities, Greek and Albanian. Even villagers Varfanj,. Salica, etc. sent their representatives to the Christian villages in which men fled in fear of retaliation, providing that the return that nothing bad would happen to them.
In the area of Gumenica and Filat became a rule that no Greek resistance group to come in free zones without being accompanied by an Albanian Cham. Precisely for this activity and sacrifice, not less Chams came before the courts of conqueror and imprisoned. Given this reality, understanding and cooperation between the two communities (Greek and Albanian Cham), the researcher Niko Zhang wrote: "If the Cham Albanians were criminals, would disappear all the Christian villages of Thespotia around the Cham-Albanian villages".
For Greek chauvinist circles was not acceptable understanding and interaction between the Greek and Albanian communities. To promote their division they incited murder of the influential Chams as Tfik Qemali, Jahja Kasemi, Jasin Sadiku, so on. With the killing of other Albanians from the armed group of Koēnikolla, the things took a dangerous direction. Outraged by these acts, a group of Chams directed to burn Rahuli, but were encountered by the Karbunari population, a large village made up of Albanians and stopped them. Although Rahuli saved from certain disaster, "then the Zerva’s bands killed the women and children who saved Rahuli", namely Karbunari residents. In these circumstances, some Cham leaders tried to form a battalion to protect it. They formed a battalion, which had only half the manpower of a ordinary battalion, nearly 300 people.
Because the Germans did not want to spoil relations with the quisling government of Ralisi, the battalion acted within the political borders of the Albanian state.
The people armed themself, but refused to cooperate with the Germans, did not entered in this battalion and did not use weapons against the Greek population, but rather resisted in demonstrative way to efforts of the Germans to organize them against the Greek element. The purpose of arming the Cham population was simply a measure of self-defense, after they had suffered a lot from Greek chauvinism. But what was worried then the Greek chauvinist forces was the establishment of Albanian councils throughout Chameria. In March 1943 was formed the first mixed armed group, which cooperated with EAM. Already, also the biographer of Zerva, as Michael Miridhaqi not deny the contribution and participation of Muslim Chams among Greek anti-fascist resistance in formations ELAS and EAM.The aforementioned historian states that Chams brought over 1000 fighters.
So Cham population began to organize in the fight against fascism in the winter of years 1942-1943, even since in the summer of 1942 was created in Filat an illegal anti-fascist resistance group consisting of Njazi e Kasem Demi, Mustafa Sulo (Kalbaqi), Dervish Dojaka, Muharrem Demi, Braho Karasani, Sami Alushi, Tahir Demi, Vehip Huso and many others. They worked at the foot of border of Shkalla e Zorjanit and deeper to organize resistance and to lay the foundations of the bases of war, for popularizing the ideas of the Atlantic Charter, which guarantees freedom of peoples and ethnic minorities, equality and the right of self-determination after the victory over fascism. In March 1942 was created the first mixed Albanian-Greek formation. It fought bravely against the Germans and and Zervistas in Mallun, in Revani, nė Theojefir, nė Pleshavica, in mountain Kacidhjar and elsewhere.
Cham Albanians were massacred and expelled from their lands starting from the end of 1944 and during 1945, as the Greeks accused of having collaborated with the fascist Italians and Germans. An anti-fascist group, headed by Musa Demi, opposed Italian propaganda before the outbreak of war, but its activity was stopped by Greek authorities. While the German policy in Chameria not aroused much enthusiasm in Chameria, therefore Germans failed their objectives to mobilize in mass the Albanians in their struggle supporting them. It was so demonstrative resisted attempts of the Germans to cast them against the Greek population.
The Cham nationalists made efforts to link with the Allied Staff of Mediterana, in order to eliminate the danger that was threatening Chameria. But these efforts did not have success. Seeing this, the Albanian population of Chameria begun to self-organize in the war against the Fascists in the winter of years 1942-1943. Indeed, since the summer of year 1942 a small illigal group of Anti-fascist resistance was created in Filat, composed from Njazi e Kasem Demi, Mustafa Sulo (Kalbaqi), Dervish Dojaka, Muharrem Demi, Braho Karasani, Sami Alushi, Tahir Demi, Vehnjo Huso, which were acting on the border of the Shkalla of Zorjani for the organization of the anti-Fascist resistance. In February of year 1943 was created the armed group “Chameria” and after this the battalion “Chameria”, which developed in September 1943 the famous battle of Konispol against the Germans, which lasted five days. This battle was distinguished for the wide participation of the population of Chameria, of Delvina and of the Greek minority in Albania, without distinction of nationality and social strata. The British Mission, which made investigation in Chameria after the war did not deny the participation of the Chams in the ranks of EAM and gave a figure of 700 fighters. Also the biographers of Zerva accepted this kind of things and one of them, Mihail Miridhaqi gave the figure of 1000 Albanian fighters from Chameria that took part in the formations of EAM.
Chameria’s ethnic cleansing was performed by EDES forces, led by Napoleon Zerva. Many Greek documents turn down the thesis that Chams fled along with the Germans when they retreated to Albania, because they were chased because the crimes committed. British, American and Greek sources confirm that the Cham ethnic cleansing methods became more barbaric and bloody. Head of the British Mission in Greece, Colonel Monague Wooddhouse, reported to the Foreign Office that "Zerva chased Chams from their homes in 1944. The deportation was carried out with great bloodshed. The goal was the expulsion of undesirable population from its place." Even Zerva, in a letter to Dan Popuviēi ordered "to take on the task of cleansing of Chameria from the Albanians". By July 1944, Zerva had good relations with the German army and the Germans intended to use him for his political goals. It is now proved that the massacres and the forced exodus of the Albanian population of Chameria was made by Zerva, who was also the accomplice of the Germans. We think that some documents proving his collaboration with the Germans have to be reminded and will remain so absurd the Greek claim that an ally of Germans had expelled from territories ethnically a whole population being in cooperation with its allies.
The collaboration of Zerva with the Germans is proved by the German documents, as well as by the Greek press of the time and of that published after the war, which has given tens of proves in this direction.
In the secret archives of German Wehrmacht for Greece was discovered an agreement of collaboration between Zerva and the German conquerors that stroke against other Greeks. The author that has published this agreement expresses that “it existed in deepness a friendship with the wolf”. In the German document it is said: “During the night of 1-2 February 1944, Zerva propounded to the Command of the mountainous Corp of Army XXII, with the help of a omnipotent officer the proposal for collaboration on these basis: truce, collaboration in the war against ELAS in continous adjournment on its aims, on its position as on the enemy forces”. The proposal of Zerva was propounded also to the Special Omnipotents of the Reich for Southern Europe, to the ministry Neubacher. On 9 February was achieved the approval for an agreement locally defined… This situation continued until the beginning of July 1944. The forces of Zerva had in March 1944 around 10000 fighters.
Under an agreement with the German authorities should remain free from military Zervas a coastal strip of 10 km. But on July 3, 1944, Zervas troops invaded the coastal area near Parga. Also, overnight July 6 to 7, hostilities began in surprise the actions of Zerva’s troops against German units in the west of Arta and on the roads Janina-Arta and Janina-Gumenica. As explained in the document "the change in the attitude of Zerva from the agreement reached with the Germans came as a result of the intervention of allied liaison officers, who took over the leadership of the army of Zerva itself”. Rather it is said that the order to attack the Germans was given by the liason officers of the allies. Given such events, the Germans were not quiet for signing the agreement. News of German intelligence noticed that in case of landing of the Allies, EDES will fight against the Germans, referring to the leader of EDES, Papaioannou. In August 1944 the Zervist forces arrived at to about 21,000 people.
In 1947, despite the desire of Americans, the Greek government to rely on a broader coalition, the State Department openly expressed his displeasure over Zervas nomination as Minister of Public Works, openly accusing him as a collaborator of the Germans. This stance State Department was so determined that he went so far as to threaten Greek leaders that, otherwise, would withdraw the military mission. U.S. Ambassador to Athens Macveagh declared openly to N. Zerva how the press and the public in the U.S. in the majority has the opinion that “he has dictatorial and fascist tendencies that are contrary to the ideals of our democracy. "Thus, it became clear that not trust himself as a member of any government that proposed working closely with the U.S.
Likewise, a different personality with weight, Governor Grisuold, refusing to wait officially Zerva, he stated to his secretary the same thing, that there was a strong public opinion, which was against Zervas in the U.S. and in other countries like France and England, who were friendly to Greece and that he felt that for these reasons if Zervas would become minister of Public Order, it would be a great disaster for Greece and could reverse the work that makes the American Mission for it." Zerva’s cooperation with the Germans, was demonstrated in the U.S. Senate by U.S. army officer with Greek descent Kouvras in March 31, 1947, describing him as a collaborationist of type of Yugoslavia ‘s Mihailovic. Kouvaras presented to Senate a very compromising document, which prove that there was agreement between the German armed forces in Epirus and the Zervas's EDES. This document was a memorandum of the General Staff of 22 Corps of the German Army.
Greek thesis is rejected by the British diplomatic documents of the time, which can not be suspected of any anti-Greek trend, but rather tolerance to their allies and primarily against right-wing forces, which were their fulcrum. Thus, according to the testimony of one senior British mission in Albania, Major Palmer, who conducted an exploratory trip in northern Greece stated that "Forca 399" had defined up to 2000 people collaborating "with the Germans wholeheartedly”, but he does not deny the fact that there were about 700 men who fought in the ranks of ELLAS's against the Germans. It draws attention that fact that the figure that is given by Palmer, coincides with the number of prisoners from the notorious trial of Janina, the so-called "trial of collaborators", conducted in 1945-1946, which sentenced in absentia in 1930 Albanians from. This is another argument against a Greek thesis that the expulsion of Albanians from Greece was because of the cooperation with, as Zerva that realized the Cham ethnic cleansing was an ally of the Germans themselves. Zervas campaign began in late June 1944.
Palmer, which is supported as he says themself in the Greek party’s data specifically of Major Sarandis, who said Palmer "generally accepted actions taken by Greeks on the Albanian minority " throw a little light on quite another important matter, which has to do with the fact that what place had Germans in the genocide by committed fascist and ultrachauvinist Greek forces against the Albanian population, which Palmeri, without worrying about the painful tragedy of this population, with just a calmness calls "contentious situation." He asserts, however, that this one really act "was undoubtedly encouraged by the Germans." Zervist genocide for ethnic cleansing in Chameria was confirmed also by Colonel Woodhouse Monague, former president of the British Mission in Greece, which states that "Zervas followed Chams from their homes in 1944 ... The expulsion was carried out with great bloodshed. The goal was the expulsion of the Albanian undesirable population of own country."Even this genocide against the Cham Albanians was declared themself by N. Zerva. In a letter sent on August 4, 1953 to Mr. Dan Popoviti the recommended "to take on the task of clarifying the fellow (Greeks) who cleansed Chameria from Albanians ".This fact is proved by the documents of the National Anti-Fascist Committee of Cham refugees in Albania, in a memorandum sent to the Committee of Foreign Ministers in Moscow which was published in newspaper "Bashkimi "and then in" Pravda ", claimed that "before the collapse of Germans, Greek monarchists and fascists, with the Gestapo, attacked the population and caused the migration of the Albanian minority in the territory of Albania. The acts of the Greek authorities were in clear contradiction with the Atlantic Charter and the decisions of the Yalta and Potsdam."
German position on genocide of the Zervist bands against the Cham population is compromised further by a document that comes from a diary of one of the Cham nationalists, Rexhep Dino, who explains another enigma, how Zerva entered in the Chameria, when Cham people was armed. This document proves that Zerva dared not to enter in Chameria, because of feared confrontation with the Cham population, which was determined to defend himself. Therefore, he intervened to the German occupation authorities to disarm them do it and succeeded this goal. The disarming of the population was carried out by Germans though a direct command of Hitler. The author of the aforementioned claims that Germans ignored in this case not even the solicitations of Cham Albanian nationalists, who believe them to realize their aspirations for national unity. Then came Zervas in Chameria and committed the atrocities already known.
From his investigations, Palmer tries to shed any light on the motives of this massacre and he gives an interesting one explanation that comes close to the truth or rather a part of it . He reported to his superiors that " The zone where was this minority district was rich, the consequence is that has always been a sense of envy and hatred of the Greeks for that district against the Chams." At the same time Palmeri notes that absurd claim for annexation of Southern Albania by Greece, which had cultivated the Greek state for several decades, had produced "a very strong hatred, which led not only against the Chams, but against all Albanians in general."
In this way, Palmer doubts the claim that the Cham ethnic cleansing took place due to this population's cooperation with the Germans, but as part of the Greek chauvinism against Albanians. However, Palmeri accepted the hypothetical possibility of cooperation on the part of the Albanian minority with Italians and as reasons to this potential cooperation he gave cooperation he have "Chameria’s desire to unite with Albania or to exploit opportunities that present reality to liquidate the old problems with Greeks. He claimed he could not be reached any conclusion on which of the two parties was responsible for initiating the hostilities. Indeed, national rivalries and conflict in the Chameria, as we noted above, had begun here with annexation of this Albanian region by Greece during the Balkan Wars. Underlying cause has been a systematic anti-Albanian policy of denationalization of the Greek government and its various agencies. This tense situation certainly caused specific conflicts between the two sides, but violence and Greek crime differ qualitatively as they were exercised, organized, conducted or promoted by the Greek state. Therefore specific Albanian elements of cooperation with the Germans and Italians, which had its roots in national heavy pressure from the Greek state, government and Greek propaganda, after the war, and even today, tried be heightened and is presented as a total cooperation with the Germans of the Cham people. The goal was clear, to put a base justifying the ethnic cleansing of Chameria.
The troups of Division X of EDES, commanded by Kamara, on June 26, 1943, entered in Chameria from the part of Paramithia and Margėllėē. Prepared well for this attack, they blocked the population of these places with the aim to exterminate them. Zerva and his officers, vowing for the Greek flag and on the military honour, lied the elites of Paramithia that nobody would be harmed, so they had not to fear. So that all the population of Paramithia stayed in place without leaving. On 27 June the massacre began, where were killed more than 600 men, women and children. Enough women and girls were raped and the majority of them were closed in jails. After this hideous crime, Zerva tried to oblige the elite of Chameria to accept an agreement, which aimed the use of Cham population in the favour of its aims.
In the discussions in the village Mininė, on July 3 to 6, 1944, Zervas envoys of the Cham people submitted the following conditions:
1. complete disarmament;
2. the general mobilization of the Cham population among EDES;
3. the use of power of EDES in Chameria.
Napoleon Zervas wanted to throw Cham population against ELAS. It was a maneuver aimed to put the Albanian population in the trap of the war between the political forces in Greece, so that anyone would be the result of political confrontation in Greece, to ve created the pretext and the favorable circumstances for the annihilation and deportation of the Albanian population. After failed negotiations, Zerva launched the general attack against Chameria of 6 July 1944.
Zervas attack was helped also by the Germans. They did the disarmament of the population, with Hitler's direct order. A supportive role in the ethnic cleansing of Cham was played also by the British Military Mission to Greece. In a memorandum sent to Foreign Office, a member of the mission , Colonel Woodhouse related that "Zerva, encouraged by the Allied Mission led by me, expelled them from their homes in 1944 in order to easy the operations against the enemy ". Indeed Woodhouse’s argument for encouraging motives of this crime is not real, as the Cham population did not constitute an serious obstacle for the expulsion of Germans from Chameria . More reliable is the conscious tolerance of criminal acts of Zerva by British mission in exchange of Zerva’s engagement in the war against the Germans. The British Mission in Greece favoured openly the EDES, because he realized that this force, although small, was the only obstacle to establishing full control of EAM .
The next wave of massacre took place in late August - early September. On August 28, 1944, Zerva’s bands in Parga killed 49 men and 8 women. On September 14 Zerva’s forces in Filat gathered all the men left in the city, most of whom were old and after a "trial " all formal condemned them to death. The number of dead and missing in the town of Filat was 259 people. Koska was later captured. Even in Corfu, Zerva’s gangs killed some Albanians from Chameria who were there. One other cleansing campaign was launched in October 1944. The results of these purges have been really tragic. From a population of 35,000 persons was before the war, in Chameria remained only a few dozen families of Albanian Muslims. During the massacres of June – October were killed 2000 men, women and the elderly and were robbed of their possessions.
The ethnic cleansing of Chameria created a dangerous precedent of ethnic cleansing in the Balkans. It significantly changed the ethnic balance in the Greek-Albanian relations in favor of the Greeks and created a problem that will affect for a long time in the consciousness of the Albanian people. The ethnic cleansing of Chameria induced and strengthened the Greek state’s pressure to the nation and the Albanian state, advancing plans and activities for the annexation of Southern Albania.
The forced migration of Cham population to Albania began in August 1944 and continued until March 1945. In early 1945, when Zerva’s forces were defeated by the forces of ELAS and Chameria came under their control, a part of the Cham population that was found near the border were repatriated. Their number was about 3000 people. But this situation did not last long.
After Varkisa agreement, the armed bands of Plastirasi,, inspired by the governors of Athens, followed the example of Zerva, massacring again of the Cham people.
On March 5, about 200 soldiers landed in Sajadha and once surrounded Filat, Shqefari and Spatari began killing of peaceful inhabitants who had just started to work their lands. Just as the British authorities claimed, the latest attack of the Greeks was not provoked by Albanians, but it was a result of “extreme anti – Albanian feeling of the Greeks in this region" As a result of this campaign of terror in Filat 217 people were killed. This new criminal act, carried out several months after the massacres in the summer of 1944 witnessed not only just retaliatory actions, but for a well-defined policy of the Greek government, which at that time had extended its authority in this region. The policy of the Greek state had decades that was preparing and was working for the ethnic cleansing of Chameria. The feverish attempt was made in the years 1923-1925 in the campaign population exchange between Greece and Turkey. While World War II Greek nationalist forces only found the appropriate moment to fully realize this objective. The Greek government approved and supported this act. It tried to justify this crime seriously and got all political and diplomatic measures to block a possible return of Cham people in their lands.
Greek government policy in support of the Cham ethnic cleansing was demonstrated openly in the arrogance demonstrated in the Paris Peace Conference. On 21 and 22 August, when the debate continued between Albania and Greece, Greek Prime Kadlaris, stated that the Albanian minority in Greece, "has been a source of agitation, has collaborated with the attackers and then spontaneously fled to Albania to escape the consequences of his crimes." While in 1947 it took all the measures to be removed to the Chams the Greek citizenship, accusing them of acts contrary to the interests of the Greek people. These charges are not holding water. The Albanian people from Chameria has not cooperated with the aggressors, as did Napoleon Zervas, and it was removed from Chameria due to genocidal horrors against it! Nothing justifies these planned and premeditated crimes. Only chauvinist anti-Albanian cruelty wanted to ethnically cleanse the territories of the Albanian Chameria!

Ladies and Gentlemen!
By analyzing historical overview of Cham drama, we conclude that Greece has been and continues to be a racist, chauvinistic and anti-Albanian state. About 300,000 Cham Albanians with Orthodox faith continue to live in this region. They still speak their native language Albanian violence, but fear to express publicly in Albanian. They have no Albanian school and Greek state, according to the racist principle "every Orthodox is a Greek" (expressed initially in the first Greek Constitution), continues to deny their national affiliation. On the other hand, descendants of Albanians expelled in 1945, are denied return to their native lands. It has happened several times that the victims who have survived the genocide to returned by the Greek authorities at the border because they had the place of birth in Chameria and this was written in the passport.
We demand:
1. The expelled Cham Albanians, including their descendants to return to their lands.
2. Greek state to refund Albanians for the use and nationalization of their property;
3. Greek Government, to be put on international supervision and UN oversight and to give assurances that it will never achieve on such genocide and expulsion of Albanian territories of Chameria, nor will it make the small effort against Albanians of Chameria, whether administrative pressure, whether armed bands;
4. Greek government to apologize for the genocide against the Albanians of Chameria;
5. To the Albanians of Chameria (of all religions) to be recognized the same rights as the Greek minority in Albania.

Ladies and Gentlemen!
It is the duty of the civilized and democratic world to stop the impetus of Greek chauvinism.

On the behalf of the Democratic Front of National Unification (FDBK),
The President of FDBK, Mr. Gafurr ADILI (siboraadili@hotmail.com)

Tirana, on 5 September 2013


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